THE visit of an influential Irish-American delegation to Northern
Ireland, which begins today, is feeding the rumours of an imminent IRA
ceasefire. Republican disavowals have if anything intensified the
speculation. The Irish papers, on the strength of sources close to the
IRA, seem convinced that something is in the offing. In the UK, the
prognostications are being received with rather more scepticism. This is
entirely natural, after so many disappointments already. At the time of
the Downing Street declaration there was rash talk of peace by
Christmas. Even if a ceasefire is declared within the next few weeks
there is little prospect of peace even by this Christmas. What is being
mooted is not a permanent and unconditional cessation of the IRA's
campaign of violence but an open-ended ceasefire -- a much more
tentative proposition and one that is believed to have been designed for
tactical reasons. The IRA is evidently hoping for political leverage,
and perhaps for disagreements between Dublin and London, or is trying to
recover the propaganda initiative that it lost with its negative reply
to the Downing Street declaration. It will be remembered that last
year's visit by a high-powered Irish-American delegation was also the
occasion for a ceasefire. Not even an extended, or open-ended, ceasefire
would fulfil the UK-Irish requirement for a total renunciation of
violence before the talking starts.
Yet an open-ended ceasefire would still be a considerable advance on
the limited lull during the delegation's last visit. It would also be in
line with the belief, held all along by the more cautious kind of
optimist, that progress might just be made in the autumn. The IRA's
long-awaited and wholly unconstructive response to the Downing Street
declaration seemed to dash even that slender hope, but recently there
have hints of movement behind the scenes. The transfer of a number of
IRA prisoners from England to Northern Ireland, which Republicans had
long demanded, has been seen as a straw in the wind. An extended
ceasefire could not be rewarded by a place for Sinn Fein at the
negotiating table -- both Dublin and London have been clear on that
score -- but it could clear the way for a more cautious advance. Already
there have been hints at the possibility of lowering the British
military profile, a step that might encourage a further extension of the
ceasefire or a statement that sounds a bit more like a commitment to
make it permanent.
If the American delegation can encourage this process, so much the
better, although again there is cause for wariness. Irish-Americans have
not invariably been helpful in the past, to put it mildly. The present
delegation has an open line to President Clinton, but the President's
own record is less than encouraging: he miscalculated badly when Mr
Adams was given a visa. But it is possible that this time the American
presence could encourage a prolonged break in hostilities which would
bring with it opportunities for further progress. While London and
Dublin should press ahead with their plans for round-table talks with
the other political parties they should not neglect any opportunities
for drawing in Sinn Fein as well, on the terms laid down in the Downing
Street declaration.
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